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    Letters to an Old Garibaldian

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    Italy, twice hast thou spoken; and time is athirst
    for the third.--SWINBURNE.

    My Dear ------

    It is a long time since we met; and I fear these letters may never reach
    you. But in these violent times I remember with a curious vividness how you
    brandished a paintbrush about your easel when I was a boy; and how it
    thrilled me to think that you had so brandished a bayonet against the
    Teutons--I hope with the same precision and happy results. Round about
    that period, the very pigments seemed to have some sort of picturesque
    connection with your national story. There seemed to be something gorgeous
    and terrible about Venetian Red; and something quite catastrophic about
    Burnt Sienna. But somehow or other, when I saw in the street yesterday the
    colours on your flag, it reminded me of the colours on your palette.

    You need not fear that I shall try to entangle you or your countrymen in
    the matters which it is for Italians alone to decide. You know the perils
    of either course much better than I do. Italy, most assuredly, has no need
    to prove her courage. She has risked everything in standing out that she
    could risk by coming in. The proclamations and press of Germany make it
    plain that the Germans have risen to a height of sensibility hardly to be
    distinguished from madness. Supposing the nightmare of a Prussian victory,
    they will revenge themselves on things more remote than the Triple
    Alliance. There was a promise of peace between them and Belgium; there was
    none between them and England. The promise to Belgium they broke. The
    promise of England they invented. It is called the Treaty of Teutonism. No
    one ever heard of it in this country; but it seems well known in academic
    circles in Germany. It seems to be something, connected with the colour of
    one's hair. But I repeat that I am not concerned to interfere with your
    decision, save in so far as I may provide some materials for it by
    describing our own.

    For I think the first, perhaps the only, fruitful work an Englishman can do
    now for the formation of foreign opinion is to talk about what he really
    understands, the condition of British opinion. It is as simple as it is
    solid. For the first time, perhaps, what we call the United Kingdom

    entirely deserves its name. There has been nothing like such unanimity
    within an Englishman's recollection. The Irish and even the Welsh were
    largely pro-Boers, so were some of the most English of the English. No one
    could have been more English than Fox, yet he denounced the war with
    Napoleon. No one could be more English than Cobden, but he denounced the
    war in the Crimea. It is really extraordinary to find a united England.
    Indeed, until lately, it was extraordinary to find a united Englishman.
    Those of us who, like
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