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    Chapter 10

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    CHAPTER 10

    Containing the whole Science of Government

    The Circumlocution Office was (as everybody knows without being
    told) the most important Department under Government. No public
    business of any kind could possibly be done at any time without the
    acquiescence of the Circumlocution Office. Its finger was in the
    largest public pie, and in the smallest public tart. It was
    equally impossible to do the plainest right and to undo the
    plainest wrong without the express authority of the Circumlocution
    Office. If another Gunpowder Plot had been discovered half an hour
    before the lighting of the match, nobody would have been justified
    in saving the parliament until there had been half a score of
    boards, half a bushel of minutes, several sacks of official
    memoranda, and a family-vault full of ungrammatical correspondence,
    on the part of the Circumlocution Office.

    This glorious establishment had been early in the field, when the
    one sublime principle involving the difficult art of governing a
    country, was first distinctly revealed to statesmen. It had been
    foremost to study that bright revelation and to carry its shining
    influence through the whole of the official proceedings. Whatever
    was required to be done, the Circumlocution Office was beforehand
    with all the public departments in the art of perceiving--HOW NOT
    TO DO IT.

    Through this delicate perception, through the tact with which it
    invariably seized it, and through the genius with which it always
    acted on it, the Circumlocution Office had risen to overtop all the
    public departments; and the public condition had risen to be--what
    it was.

    It is true that How not to do it was the great study and object of
    all public departments and professional politicians all round the
    Circumlocution Office. It is true that every new premier and every
    new government, coming in because they had upheld a certain thing
    as necessary to be done, were no sooner come in than they applied
    their utmost faculties to discovering How not to do it. It is true
    that from the moment when a general election was over, every
    returned man who had been raving on hustings because it hadn't been

    done, and who had been asking the friends of the honourable
    gentleman in the opposite interest on pain of impeachment to tell
    him why it hadn't been done, and who had been asserting that it
    must be done, and who had been pledging himself that it should be
    done, began to devise, How it was not to be done. It is true that
    the debates of both Houses of Parliament the whole session through,
    uniformly tended to the protracted deliberation, How not to do it.
    It is true that the royal speech at the opening of such session
    virtually said, My lords and gentlemen, you have
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