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    Chapter 2

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    Chapter 3
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    Fate of the Book "What I Believe"--Evasive Character of Religious
    Criticisms of Principles of my Book--1st Reply: Use of Force
    not Opposed to Christianity--2d Reply: Use of Force Necessary
    to Restrain Evil Doers--3d Reply: Duty of Using Force in
    Defense of One's Neighbor--4th Reply: The Breach of the Command
    of Nonresistance to be Regarded Simply as a Weakness--5th
    Reply: Reply Evaded by Making Believe that the Question has
    long been Decided--To Devise such Subterfuges and to take
    Refuge Behind the Authority of the Church, of Antiquity, and of
    Religion is all that Ecclesiastical Critics can do to get out
    of the Contradiction between Use of Force and Christianity in
    Theory and in Practice--General Attitude of the Ecclesiastical
    World and of the Authorities to Profession of True
    Christianity--General Character of Russian Freethinking
    Critics--Foreign Freethinking Critics--Mistaken Arguments of
    these Critics the Result of Misunderstanding the True Meaning
    of Christ's Teaching.

    The impression I gained of a desire to conceal, to hush up, what I
    had tried to express in my book, led me to judge the book itself

    On its appearance it had, as I had anticipated, been forbidden,
    and ought therefore by law to have been burnt. But, at the same
    time, it was discussed among officials, and circulated in a great
    number of manuscript and lithograph copies, and in translations
    printed abroad.

    And very quickly after the book, criticisms, both religious and
    secular in character, made their appearance, and these the
    government tolerated, and even encouraged. So that the refutation
    of a book which no one was supposed to know anything about was
    even chosen as the subject for theological dissertations in the

    The criticisms of my book, Russian and foreign alike, fall under
    two general divisions--the religious criticisms of men who regard
    themselves as believers, and secular criticisms, that is, those of

    I will begin with the first class. In my book I made it an
    accusation against the teachers of the Church that their teaching
    is opposed to Christ's commands clearly and definitely expressed
    in the Sermon on the Mount, and opposed in especial to his command
    in regard to resistance to evil, and that in this way they deprive
    Christ's teaching of all value. The Church authorities accept the
    teaching of the Sermon on the Mount on non-resistance to evil by
    force as divine revelation; and therefore one would have thought
    that if they felt called upon to write about my book at all, they
    would have found it inevitable before everything else to reply to
    the principal point of my charge against them, and to say plainly,
    do they or do they not admit the teaching of the Sermon on the
    Mount and the commandment of non-resistance to evil as binding on
    a Christian. And they were bound to answer this question, not
    after the usual fashion (i. e., "that although on the one side one
    cannot absolutely deny, yet on the other side one cannot main
    fully assent, all the more seeing that," etc., etc.). No; they
    should have answered the question as plainly as it was put
    in my book--Did Christ really demand from his disciples
    that they should carry out what he taught them in the Sermon on
    the Mount? And can a Christian, then, or can he not, always
    remaining a Christian, go to law or make any use of the law, or
    seek his own protection in the law? And can the Christian, or can
    he not, remaining a Christian, take part in the administration of
    government, using compulsion against his neighbors? And--the most
    important question hanging over the heads of all of us in these
    days of universal military service--can the Christian, or can he
    not, remaining a Christian, against Christ's direct prohibition,
    promise obedience in future actions directly opposed to his
    teaching? And can he, by taking his share of service in the army,
    prepare himself to murder men, and even actually murder them?

    These questions were put plainly and directly, and seemed to
    require a plain and direct answer; but in all the criticisms of my
    book there was no such plain and direct answer. No; my book
    received precisely the same treatment as all the attacks upon the
    teachers of the Church for their defection from the Law of Christ
    of which history from the days of Constantine is full.

    A very great deal was said in connection with my book of my having
    incorrectly interpreted this and other passages of the Gospel, of
    my being in error in not recognizing the Trinity, the redemption,
    and the immortality of the soul. A very great deal was said, but
    not a word about the one thing which for every Christian is the
    most essential question in life--how to reconcile the duty of
    forgiveness, meekness, patience, and love for all, neighbors and
    enemies alike, which is so clearly expressed in the words of our
    teacher, and in the heart of each of us--how to reconcile this
    duty with the obligation of using force in war upon men of our own
    or a foreign people.

    All that are worth calling answers to this question can be brought
    under the following five heads. I have tried to bring together in
    this connection all I could, not only from the criticisms on my
    book, but from what has been written in past times on this theme.

    The first and crudest form of reply consists in the bold assertion
    that the use of force is not opposed by the teaching of Christ;
    that it is permitted, and even enjoined, on the Christian by the
    Old and New Testaments.

    Assertions of this kind proceed, for the most part, from men who
    have attained the highest ranks in the governing or ecclesiastical
    hierarchy, and who are consequently perfectly assured that no one
    will dare to contradict their assertion, and that if anyone does
    contradict it they will hear nothing of the contradiction. These
    men have, for the most part, through the intoxication of power, so
    lost the right idea of what that Christianity is in the name of
    which they hold their position that what is Christian in
    Christianity presents itself to them as heresy, while everything
    in the Old and New Testaments which can be distorted into an
    antichristian and heathen meaning they regard as the foundation of
    Christianity. In support of their assertion that Christianity is
    not opposed to the use of force, these men usually, with the
    greatest audacity, bring together all the most obscure passages
    from the Old and New Testaments, interpreting them in the most
    unchristian way--the punishment of Ananias and Sapphira, of Simon
    the Sorcerer, etc. They quote all those sayings of Christ's which
    can possibly be interpreted as justification of cruelty: the
    expulsion from the Temple; "It shall be more tolerable for the
    land of Sodom than for this city," etc., etc. According to these
    people's notions, a Christian government is not in the least bound
    to be guided by the spirit of peace, forgiveness of injuries, and
    love for enemies.

    To refute such an assertion is useless, because the very
    people who make this assertion refute themselves, or, rather,
    renounce Christ, inventing a Christianity and a Christ of their
    own in the place of him in whose name the Church itself exists, as
    well as their office in it. If all men were to learn that the
    Church professes to believe in a Christ of punishment and warfare,
    not of forgiveness, no one would believe in the Church and it
    could not prove to anyone what it is trying to prove.

    The second, somewhat less gross, form of argument consists in
    declaring that, though Christ did indeed preach that we should
    turn the left cheek, and give the cloak also, and this is the
    highest moral duty, yet that there are wicked men in the world,
    and if these wicked men mere not restrained by force, the whole
    world and all good men would come to ruin through them. This
    argument I found for the first time in John Chrysostom, and I slow
    how he is mistaken in my book "What I believe."

    This argument is ill grounded, because if we allow ourselves to
    regard any men as intrinsically wicked men, then in the first
    place we annul, by so doing, the whole idea of the Christian
    teaching, according to which we are all equals and brothers, as
    sons of one father in heaven. Secondly, it is ill founded,
    because even if to use force against wicked men had been permitted
    by God, since it is impossible to find a perfect and unfailing
    distinction by which one could positively know the wicked from the
    good, so it would come to all individual men and societies of men
    mutually regarding each other as wicked men, as is the case now.
    Thirdly, even if it were possible to distinguish the wicked from
    the good unfailingly, even then it would be impossible to kill or
    injure or shut up in prison these wicked men, because there would
    be no one in a Christian society to carry out such punishment,
    since every Christian, as a Christian, has been commanded to use
    no force against the wicked.

    The third kind of answer, still more subtle than the preceding,
    consists in asserting that though the command of non-resistance to
    evil by force is binding on the Christian when the evil is
    directed against himself personally, it ceases to be binding when
    the evil is directed against his neighbors, and that then the
    Christian is not only not bound to fulfill the commandment, but is
    even bound to act in opposition to it in defense of his neighbors,
    and to use force against transgressors by force. This assertion
    is an absolute assumption, and one cannot find in all Christ's
    teaching any confirmation of such an argument. Such an argument
    is not only a limitation, but a direct contradiction and negation
    of the commandment. If every man has the right to have recourse
    to force in face of a danger threatening an other, the question of
    the use of force is reduced to a question of the definition of
    danger for another. If my private judgment is to decide the
    question of what is danger for another, there is no occasion for
    the use of force which could not be justified on the ground of
    danger threatening some other man. They killed and burnt witches,
    they killed aristocrats and girondists, they killed their enemies
    because those who were in authority regarded them as dangerous for
    the people.

    If this important limitation, which fundamentally undermines the
    whole value of the commandment, had entered into Christ's meaning,
    there must have been mention of it somewhere. This restriction is
    made nowhere in our Saviour's life or preaching. On the contrary,
    warning is given precisely against this treacherous and scandalous
    restriction which nullifies the commandment. The error and
    impossibility of such a limitation is shown in the Gospel with
    special clearness in the account of the judgment of Caiaphas, who
    makes precisely this distinction. He acknowledged that it was
    wrong to punish the innocent Jesus, but he saw in him a source of
    danger not for himself, but for the whole people, and therefore he
    said: It is better for one man to die, that the whole people
    perish not. And the erroneousness of such a limitation is still
    more clearly expressed in the words spoken to Peter when he tried
    to resist by force evil directed against Jesus (Matt. xxvi. 52).
    Peter was not defending himself, but his beloved and heavenly
    Master. And Christ at once reproved him for this, saying, that he
    who takes up the sword shall perish by the sword.

    Besides, apologies for violence used against one's neighbor in
    defense of another neighbor from greater violence are always
    untrustworthy, because when force is used against one who has not
    yet carried out his evil intent, I can never know which would be
    greater--the evil of my act of violence or of the act I want to
    prevent. We kill the criminal that society may be rid of him, and
    we never know whether the criminal of to-day would not have been a
    changed man tomorrow, and whether our punishment of him is not
    useless cruelty. We shut up the dangerous--as we think--member of
    society, but the next day this man might cease to be dangerous and
    his imprisonment might be for nothing. I see that a man I know to
    be a ruffian is pursuing a young girl. I have a gun in my hand--I
    kill the ruffian and save the girl. But the death or the wounding
    of the ruffian has positively taken place, while what would have
    happened if this had not been I cannot know. And what an immense
    mass of evil must result, and indeed does result, from allowing
    men to assume the right of anticipating what may happen. Ninety-
    nine per cent of the evil of the world is founded on this
    reasoning--from the Inquisition to dynamite bombs, and the
    executions or punishments of tens of thousands of political

    A fourth, still more refined, reply to the question, What ought to
    be the Christian's attitude to Christ's command of non-resistance
    to evil by force? consists in declaring that they do not deny the
    command of non-resisting evil, but recognize it; but they only do
    not ascribe to this command the special exclusive value attached
    to it by sectarians. To regard this command as the indispensable
    condition of Christian life, as Garrison, Ballou, Dymond, the
    Quakers, the Mennonites and the Shakers do now, and as the
    Moravian brothers, the Waldenses, the Albigenses, the Bogomilites,
    and the Paulicians did in the past, is a one-sided heresy. This
    command has neither more nor less value than all the other
    commands, and the man who through weakness transgresses any
    command whatever, the command of non-resistance included, does not
    cease to be a Christian if he hold the true faith. This is a very
    skillful device, and many people who wish to be deceived are
    easily deceived by it. The device consists in reducing a direct
    conscious denial of a command to a casual breach of it. But one
    need only compare the attitude of the teachers of the Church to
    this and to other commands which they really do recognize, to be
    convinced that their attitude to this is completely different from
    their attitude to other duties.

    The command against fornication they do really recognize, and
    consequently they do not admit that in any case fornication can
    cease to be wrong. The Church preachers never point out cases in
    which the command against fornication can be broken, and always
    teach that we must avoid seductions which lead to temptation to
    fornication. But not so with the command of non-resistance. All
    church preachers recognize cases in which that command can be
    broken, and teach the people accordingly. And they not only do
    not teach teat we should avoid temptations to break it, chief of
    which is the military oath, but they themselves administer it.
    The preachers of the Church never in any other case advocate the
    breaking of any other commandment. But in connection with the
    commandment of non-resistance they openly teach that we must not
    understand it too literally, but that there are conditions and
    circumstances in which we must do the direct opposite, that is, go
    to law, fight, punish. So that occasions for fulfilling the
    commandment of nonresistance to evil by force are taught for the
    most part as occasions for not fulfilling it. The fulfillment of
    this command, they say, is very difficult and pertains only to
    perfection. And how can it not be difficult, when the breach of
    it is not only not forbidden, but law courts, prisons, cannons,
    guns, armies, and wars are under the immediate sanction of the
    Church? It cannot be true, then, that this command is recognized
    by the preachers of the Church as on a level with other commands.

    The preachers of the Church clearly, do not recognize it; only not
    daring to acknowledge this, they try to conceal their not
    recognizing it.

    So much for the fourth reply.

    The fifth kind of answer, which is the subtlest, the most often
    used, and the most effective, consists in avoiding answering, in
    making believe that this question is one which has long ago been
    decided perfectly clearly and satisfactorily, and that it is not
    worth while to talk about it. This method of reply is employed by
    all the more or less cultivated religious writers, that is to say,
    those who feel the laws of Christ binding for themselves. Knowing
    that the contradiction existing between the teaching of Christ
    which we profess with our lips and the whole order of our lives
    cannot be removed by words, and that touching upon it can only
    make it more obvious, they, with more or less ingenuity, evade it,
    pretending that the question of reconciling Christianity with the
    use of force has been decided already, or does not exist at all.

    [Footnote: I only know one work which differs somewhat from
    this general definition, and that is not a criticism in the
    precise meaning of the word, but an article treating of the
    same subject and having my book in view. I mean the pamphlet
    of Mr. Troizky (published at Kazan), "A Sermon for the
    People." The author obviously accepts Christ's teaching in
    its true meaning. He says that the prohibition of resistance
    to evil by force means exactly what it does mean; and the same
    with the prohibition of swearing. He does not, as others do,
    deny the meaning of Christ's teaching, but unfortunately he
    does not draw from this admission the inevitable deductions
    which present themselves spontaneously in our life when we
    understand Christ's teaching in that way. If we must not
    oppose evil by force, nor swear, everyone naturally asks,
    "How, then, about military service? and the oath of
    obedience?" To this question the author gives no reply; but
    it must be answered. And if he cannot answer, then he would
    do better no to speak on the subject at all, as such silence
    leads to error.

    The majority of religious critics of my book use this fifth method
    of replying to it. I could quote dozens of such critics, in all of
    whom, without exception, we find the same thing repeated:
    everything is discussed except what constitutes the principal
    subject of the book. As a characteristic example of such
    criticisms, I will quote the article of a well-known and ingenious
    English writer and preacher--Farrar--who, like many learned
    theologians, is a great master of the art of circuitously evading
    a question. The article was published in an American journal, the
    FORUM, in October, 1888.

    After conscientiously explaining in brief the contents of my book,
    Farrar says:

    "Tolstoy came to the conclusion that a coarse deceit had been
    palmed upon the world when these words 'Resist not evil,' were
    held by civil society to be compatible with war, courts of
    justice, capital punishment, divorce, oaths, national
    prejudice, and, indeed, with most of the institutions of civil
    and social life. He now believes that the kingdom of God would
    come if all men kept these five commandments of Christ, viz.:
    1. Live in peace with all men. 2. Be pure. 3. Take no oaths.
    4. Resist not evil. 5. Renounce national distinctions.

    "Tolstoy," he says, "rejects the inspiration of the Old
    Testament; hence he rejects the chief doctrines of the Church--
    that of the Atonement by blood, the Trinity, the descent of the
    Holy Ghost on the Apostles, and his transmission through the
    priesthood." And he recognizes only the words and commands of
    Christ. "But is this interpretation of Christ a true one?" he
    says. "Are all men bound to act as Tolstoy teaches--i. e., to
    carry out these five commandments of Christ?"

    You expect, then, that in answer to this essential question, which
    is the only one that could induce a man to write an article about
    the book, he will say either that this interpretation of Christ's
    teaching is true and we ought to follow it, or he will say that
    such an interpretation is untrue, will show why, and will give
    some other correct interpretation of those words which I interpret
    incorrectly. But nothing of this kind is done. Farrar only
    expresses his "belief" that,

    "although actuated by the noblest sincerity, Count Tolstoy has
    been misled by partial and one-sided interpretations of the
    meaning of the Gospel and the mind and will of Christ." What
    this error consists in is not made clear; it is only said:
    "To enter into the proof of this is impossible in this article,
    for I have already exceeded the space at my command."

    And he concludes in a tranquil spirit:

    "Meanwhile, the reader who feels troubled lest it should be his
    duty also to forsake all the conditions of his life and to take
    up the position and work of a common laborer, may rest for the
    present on the principle, SECURUS JUDICAT ORBIS TERRARUM. With
    few and rare exceptions," he continues, "the whole of
    Christendom, from the days of the Apostles down to our own, has
    come to the firm conclusion that it was the object of Christ to
    lay down great eternal principles, but not to disturb the bases
    and revolutionize the institutions of all human society, which
    themselves rest on divine sanctions as well as on inevitable
    conditions. Were it my object to prove how untenable is the
    doctrine of communism, based by Count Tolstoy upon the divine
    paradoxes [sic], which can be interpreted only on historical
    principles in accordance with the whole method of the teaching
    of Jesus, it would require an ampler canvas than I have here at
    my disposal."

    What a pity he has not an "ampler canvas at his disposal"! And
    what a strange thing it is that for all these last fifteen
    centuries no one has had a "canvas ample enough" to prove that
    Christ, whom we profess to believe in, says something utterly
    unlike what he does say! Still, they could prove it if they
    wanted to. But it is not worth while to prove what everyone
    knows; it is enough to say "SECURUS JUDICAT ORBIS TERRARUM."

    And of this kind, without exception, are all the criticisms
    of educated believers, who must, as such, understand the
    danger of their position. The sole escape from it for them
    lies in their hope that they may be able, by using the
    authority of the Church, of antiquity, and of their sacred
    office, to overawe the reader and draw him away from the
    idea of reading the Gospel for himself and thinking out the
    question in his own mind for himself. And in this they are
    successful; for, indeed, how could the notion occur to any
    one that all that has been repeated from century to century
    with such earnestness and solemnity by all those archdeacons,
    bishops, archbishops, holy synods, and popes, is all of it a base
    lie and a calumny foisted upon Christ by them for the sake of
    keeping safe the money they must have to live luxuriously on the
    necks of other men? And it is a lie and a calumny so transparent
    that the only way of keeping it up consists in overawing people by
    their earnestness, their conscientiousness. It is just what has
    taken place of late years at recruiting sessions; at a table
    before the zertzal--the symbol of the Tzars authority--in the seat
    of honor under the life-size portrait of the Tzar, sit dignified
    old officials, wearing decorations, conversing freely and easily,
    writing notes, summoning men before them, and giving orders.
    Here, wearing a cross on his breast, near them, is prosperous-
    looking old Priest in a silken cassock, with long gray hair
    flowing on to his cope; before a lectern who wears the golden
    cross and has a Gospel bound in gold.

    They summon Iran Petroff. A young man comes in, wretchedly,
    shabbily dressed, and in terror, the muscles of his face working,
    his eyes bright and restless; and in a broken voice, hardly above
    a whisper, he says: "I--by Christ's law--as a Christian--I
    cannot." "What is he muttering?" asks the president, frowning
    impatiently and raising his eyes from his book to listen. "Speak
    louder," the colonel with shining epaulets shouts to him. "I--I as
    a Christian--" And at last it appears that the young man refuses
    to serve in the army because he is a Christian. "Don't talk
    nonsense. Stand to be measured. Doctor, may I trouble you to
    measure him. He is all right?" "Yes." "Reverend father,
    administer the oath to him."

    No one is the least disturbed by what the poor scared young man is
    muttering. They do not even pay attention to it. "They all mutter
    something, but we've no time to listen to it, we have to enroll so

    The recruit tries to say something still. "It's opposed to the
    law of Christ." "Go along, go along; we know without your help
    what is opposed to the law and what's not; and you soothe his
    mind, reverend father, soothe him. Next: Vassily Nikitin." And
    they lead the trembling youth away. And it does not strike anyone
    --the guards, or Vassily Nikitin, whom they are bringing in, or
    any of the spectators of this scene--that these inarticulate words
    of the young man, at once suppressed by the authorities, contain
    the truth, and that the loud, solemnly uttered sentences of the
    calm, self-confident official and the priest are a lie and a

    Such is the impression produced not only by Farrar's article, but
    by all those solemn sermons, articles, and books which make their
    appearance from all sides directly there is anywhere a glimpse of
    truth exposing a predominant falsehood. At once begins the series
    of long, clever, ingenious, and solemn speeches and writings,
    which deal with questions nearly related to the subject, but
    skillfully avoid touching the subject itself.

    That is the essence of the fifth and most effective means of
    getting out of the contradictions in which Church Christianity has
    placed itself, by professing its faith in Christ's teaching in
    words, while it denies it in its life, and teaches
    people to do the same.

    Those who justify themselves by the first method, directly,
    crudely asserting that Christ sanctioned violence, wars, and
    murder, repudiate Christ's doctrine directly; those who find their
    defense in the second, the third, or the fourth method are
    confused and can easily be convicted of error; but this last
    class, who do not argue, who do not condescend to argue about it,
    but take shelter behind their own grandeur, and make a show of all
    this having been decided by them or at least by someone long ago,
    and no longer offering a possibility of doubt to anyone--they seem
    safe from attack, and will be beyond attack till men come to
    realize that they are under the narcotic influence exerted on them
    by governments and churches, and are no longer affected by it.

    Such was the attitude of the spiritual critics--i. e., those
    professing faith in Christ--to my book. And their attitude could
    not have been different. They are bound to take up this attitude
    by the contradictory position in which they find themselves
    between belief in the divinity of their Master and disbelief in
    his clearest utterances, and they want to escape from this
    contradiction. So that one cannot expect from them free
    discussion of the very essence of the question--that is, of the
    change in men's life which must result from applying Christ's
    teaching to the existing order of the world. Such free discussion
    I only expected from worldly, freethinking critics who are not
    bound to Christ's teaching in any way, and can therefore take an
    independent view of it. I had anticipated that freethinking
    writers would look at Christ, not merely, like the Churchmen, as
    the founder of a religion of personal salvation, but, to express
    it in their language, as a reformer who laid down new principles
    of life and destroyed the old, and whose reforms are not yet
    complete, but are still in progress even now.

    Such a view of Christ and his teaching follows from my book. But
    to my astonishment, out of the great number of critics of my book
    there was not one, either Russian or foreign, who treated the
    subject from the side from which it was approached in the book--
    that is, who criticised Christ's doctrines as philosophical,
    moral, and social principles, to use their scientific expressions.
    This was not done in a single criticism. The freethinking Russian
    critics taking my book as though its whole contents could be
    reduced to non-resistance to evil, and understanding the doctrine
    of non-resistance to evil itself (no doubt for greater convenience
    in refuting it) as though it would prohibit every kind of conflict
    with evil, fell vehemently upon this doctrine, and for some years
    past have been very successfully proving that Christ's teaching is
    mistaken in so far as it forbids resistance to evil. Their
    refutations of this hypothetical doctrine of Christ were all the
    more successful since they knew beforehand that their arguments
    could not be contested or corrected, for the censorship, not
    having passed the book, did not pass articles in its defense.

    It is a remarkable thing that among us, where one cannot say a
    word about the Holy Scriptures without the prohibition of the
    censorship, for some years past there have been in all the
    journals constant attacks and criticisms on the command of Christ
    simply and directly stated in Matt. v. 39. The Russian advanced
    critics, obviously unaware of all that has been done to elucidate
    the question of non-resistance, and sometimes even imagining
    apparently that the rule of non-resistance to evil had been
    invented by me personally, fell foul of the very idea of it. They
    opposed it and attacked it, and advancing with great heat
    arguments which had long ago been analyzed and refuted from every
    point of view, they demonstrated that a man ought invariably to
    defend (with violence) all the injured and oppressed, and that
    thus the doctrine of non-resistance to evil is an immoral

    To all Russian critics the whole import of Christ's command seemed
    reducible to the fact that it would hinder them from the active
    opposition to evil to which they are accustomed. So that the
    principle of non-resistance to evil by force has been attacked by
    two opposing camps: the conservatives, because this principle
    would hinder their activity in resistance to evil as applied to
    the revolutionists, in persecution and punishment of them; the
    revolutionists, too, because this principle would hinder their
    resistance to evil as applied to the conservatives and the
    overthrowing of them. The conservatives were indignant at the
    doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force hindering the
    energetic destruction of the revolutionary elements, which may
    ruin the national prosperity; the revolutionists were indignant at
    the doctrine of non-resistance to evil by force hindering the
    overthrow of the conservatives, who are ruining the national
    prosperity. It is worthy of remark in this connection that the
    revolutionists have attacked the principle of nonresistance to
    evil by force, in spite of the fact that it is the greatest terror
    and danger for every despotism. For ever since the beginning of
    the world, the use of violence of every kind, from the Inquisition
    to the Schlüsselburg fortress, has rested and still rests on the
    opposite principle of the necessity of resisting evil by force.

    Besides this, the Russian critics have pointed out the fact that
    the application of the command of non-resistance to practical life
    would turn mankind aside out of the path of civilization along
    which it is moving. The path of civilization on which mankind in
    Europe is moving is in their opinion the one along which all
    mankind ought always to move.

    So much for the general character of the Russian critics.

    Foreign critics started from the same premises, but their
    discussions of my book were somewhat different from those of
    Russian critics, not only in being less bitter, and in showing
    more culture, but even in the subject-matter.

    In discussing my book and the Gospel teaching generally, as it is
    expressed in the Sermon on the Mount, the foreign critics
    maintained that such doctrine is not peculiarly Christian
    (Christian doctrine is either Catholicism or Protestantism
    according to their views)--the teaching of the Sermon on the Mount
    is only a string of very pretty impracticable dreams DU CHARMANT
    DOCTEUR, as Reran says, fit for the simple and half-savage
    inhabitants of Galilee who lived eighteen hundred years ago, and
    for the half-savage Russian peasants--Sutaev and Bondarev--and the
    Russian mystic Tolstoy, but not at all consistent with a high
    degree of European culture.

    The foreign freethinking critics have tried in a delicate manner,
    without being offensive to me, to give the impression that my
    conviction that mankind could be guided by such a naïve doctrine
    as that of the Sermon on the Mount proceeds from two causes: that
    such a conviction is partly due to my want of knowledge, my
    ignorance of history, my ignorance of all the vain attempts to
    apply the principles of the Sermon on the Mount to life, which
    have been made in history and have led to nothing; and partly it
    is due to my failing to appreciate the full value of the lofty
    civilization to which mankind has attained at present, with its
    Krupp cannons, smokeless powder, colonization of Africa, Irish
    Coercion Bill, parliamentary government, journalism, strikes, and
    the Eiffel Tower.

    So wrote de Vogüé and Leroy Beaulieu and Matthew Arnold; so wrote
    the American author Savage, and Ingersoll, the popular
    freethinking American preacher, and many others.

    "Christ's teaching is no use, because it is inconsistent with our
    industrial age," says Ingersoll naïvely, expressing in this
    utterance, with perfect directness and simplicity, the exact
    notion of Christ's teaching held by persons of refinement and
    culture of our times. The teaching is no use for our industrial
    age, precisely as though the existence of this industrial age were
    a sacred fact which ought not to and could not be changed. It is
    just as though drunkards when advised how they could be brought to
    habits of sobriety should answer that the advice is incompatible
    with their habit of taking alcohol.

    The arguments of all the freethinking critics, Russian and foreign
    alike, different as they may be in tone and manner of
    presentation, all amount essentially to the same strange
    misapprehension--namely, that Christ's teaching, one of the
    consequences of which is non-resistance to evil, is of no use to
    us because it requires a change of our life.

    Christ's teaching is useless because, if it were carried into
    practice, life could not go on as at present; we must add: if we
    have begun by living sinfully, as we do live and are accustomed to
    live. Not only is the question of non-resistance to evil not
    discussed; the very mention of the fact that the duty of non-
    resistance enters into Christ's teaching is regarded as
    satisfactory proof of the impracticability of the whole teaching.

    Meanwhile one would have thought it was necessary to point out at
    least some kind of solution of the following question, since it is
    at the root of almost everything that interests us.

    The question amounts to this: In what way are we to decide men's
    disputes, when some men consider evil what others consider good,
    and VICE VERSA? And to reply that that is evil which I think
    evil, in spite of the fact that my opponent thinks it good, is not
    a solution of the difficulty. There can only be two solutions:
    either to find a real unquestionable criterion of what is evil or
    not to resist evil by force.

    The first course has been tried ever since the beginning of
    historical times, and, as we all know, it has not hitherto led to
    any successful results.

    The second solution--not forcibly to resist what we consider evil
    until we have found a universal criterion--that is the solution
    given by Christ.

    We may consider the answer given by Christ unsatisfactory; we may
    replace it by another and better, by finding a criterion by which
    evil could be defined for all men unanimously and simultaneously;
    we may simply, like savage nations, not recognize the existence of
    the question. But we cannot treat the question as the learned
    critics of Christianity do. They pretend either that no such
    question exists at all or that the question is solved by granting
    to certain persons or assemblies of persons the right to define
    evil and to resist it by force. But we know all the while that
    granting such a right to certain persons does not decide the
    question (still less so when the are ourselves the certain
    persons), since there are always people who do not recognize this
    right in the authorized persons or assemblies.

    But this assumption, that what seems evil to us is really evil,
    shows a complete misunderstanding of the question, and lies at the
    root of the argument of freethinking critics about the Christian
    religion. In this way, then, the discussions of my book on the
    part of Churchmen and freethinking critics alike showed me that
    the majority of men simply do not understand either Christ's
    teaching or the questions which Christ's teaching solves.
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