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    The Disease of Parliaments - Page 2

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    their interests. Yet nothing is now more evident than that these
    officials, working-men representatives and the like, do not speak for
    their supporters, and are less and less able to control them. The
    Syndicalist movement, sabotage in France, and Larkinism in Great
    Britain, are, from the point of view of social stability, the most
    sinister demonstrations of the gathering anger of the labouring classes
    with representative institutions. These movements are not revolutionary
    movements, not movements for reconstruction such as were the democratic
    Socialist movements that closed the nineteenth century. They are angry
    and vindictive movements. They have behind them the most dangerous and
    terrible of purely human forces, the wrath, the blind destructive wrath,
    of a cheated crowd.

    Now, so far as the insurrection of labour goes, American conditions
    differ from European, and the process of disillusionment will probably
    follow a different course. American labour is very largely immigrant
    labour still separated by barriers of language and tradition from the
    established thought of the nation. It will be long before labour in
    America speaks with the massed effectiveness of labour in France and
    England, where master and man are racially identical, and where there is
    no variety of "Dagoes" to break up the revolt. But in other directions
    the American disbelief in and impatience with "elected persons" is and
    has been far profounder than it is in Europe. The abstinence of men of
    property and position from overt politics, and the contempt that
    banishes political discussion from polite society, are among the first
    surprises of the visiting European to America, and now that, under an
    organised pressure of conscience, college-trained men and men of wealth
    are abandoning this strike of the educated and returning to political
    life, it is, one notes, with a prevailing disposition to correct
    democracy by personality, and to place affairs in the hands of
    autocratic mayors and presidents rather than to carry out democratic
    methods to the logical end. At times America seems hot for a Caesar. If
    no Caesar is established, then it will be the good fortune of the
    Republic rather than its democratic virtue which will have saved it.


    And directly one comes to look into the quality and composition of the
    elected governing body of any modern democratic State, one begins to see
    the reason and nature of its widening estrangement from the community it
    represents. In no sense are these bodies really representative of the
    thought and purpose of the nation; the conception of its science, the
    fresh initiatives of its philosophy and literature, the forces that make
    the future through invention and experiment, exploration and trial
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