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    Chapter 26

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    Chapter 27
    Previous Chapter
    CHAPTER III

    Giovanni de' Medici acquires the favor of the people--Bravery of
    Biaggio del Melano--Baseness of Zanobi del Pino--The Florentines
    obtain the friendship of the lord of Faenza--League of the
    Florentines with the Venetians--Origin of the Catasto--The rich
    citizens discontented with it--Peace with the duke of Milan--New
    disturbances on account of the Catasto.

    These events, and the circumstances attending them, becoming known to
    the people, contributed greatly to increase the reputation of
    Giovanni, and brought odium on those who had made the proposals; but
    he assumed an appearance of indifference, in order to give less
    encouragement to those who by his influence were desirous of change.
    In his discourse he intimated to every one that it is not desirable to
    promote factions, but rather to extinguish them; and that whatever
    might be expected of him, he only sought the union of the city. This,
    however, gave offense to many of his party; for they would have rather
    seen him exhibit greater activity. Among others so disposed, was
    Alamanno de' Medici, who being of a restless disposition, never ceased
    exciting him to persecute enemies and favor friends; condemning his
    coldness and slow method of proceeding, which he said was the cause of
    his enemies' practicing against him, and that these practices would
    one day effect the ruin of himself and his friends. He endeavored to
    excite Cosmo, his son, with similar discourses; but Giovanni, for all
    that was either disclosed or foretold him, remained unmoved, although
    parties were now declared, and the city in manifest disunion.

    There were at the palace, in the service of the Signory, two
    chancellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter favored the party
    of Niccolo da Uzzano, the former that of Giovanni; and Rinaldo, seeing
    Giovanni unwilling to join them, thought it would be advisable to
    deprive Ser Martino of his office, that he might have the palace more
    completely under his control. The design becoming known to his
    adversaries, Ser Martino was retained and Ser Pagolo discharged, to
    the great injury and displeasure of Rinaldo and his party. This
    circumstance would soon have produced most mischievous effects, but
    for the war with which the city was threatened, and the recent defeat
    suffered at Zagonara, which served to check the audacity of the
    people; for while these events were in progress at Florence, Agnolo
    della Pergola, with the forces of the duke, had taken all the towns
    and cities possessed by the Florentines in Romagna, except Castracaro
    and Modigliano; partly from the weakness of the places themselves, and
    partly by the misconduct of those who had the command of them. In the
    course of the campaign, two instances occurred which served to show
    how greatly courage is admired even in enemies, and how much cowardice
    and pusillanimity are despised.

    Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso.
    Being surrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance of saving the place,
    which was already in flames, he cast clothes and straw from a part
    which was not yet on fire, and upon these he threw his two little
    children, saying to the enemy, "Take to yourselves those goods which
    fortune has bestowed upon me, and of which you may deprive me; but
    those of the mind, in which my honor and glory consist, I will not
    give up, neither can you wrest them from me." The besiegers ran to
    save the children, and placed for their father ropes and ladders, by
    which to save himself, but he would not use them, and rather chose to
    die in the flames than owe his safety to the enemies of his country:
    an example worthy of that much lauded antiquity, which offers nothing
    to surpass it, and which we admire the more from the rarity of any
    similar occurrence. Whatever could be recovered from the ruins, was
    restored for the use of the children, and carefully conveyed to their
    friends; nor was the republic less grateful; for as long as they
    lived, they were supported at her charge.

    An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, where Zanobi
    del Pino was governor; he, without offering the least resistance, gave
    up the fortress to the enemy; and besides this, advised Agnolo della
    Pergola to leave the Alps of Romagna, and come among the smaller hills
    of Tuscany, where he might carry on the war with less danger and
    greater advantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of
    this man, and delivered him to his own attendants, who, after many
    reproaches, gave him nothing to eat but paper painted with snakes,
    saying, that of a Guelph they would make him a Ghibelline; and thus
    fasting, he died in a few days.

    At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di
    Lamona, with the design of bringing the lord of Faenza over to the
    Florentines, or at least inducing him to restrain the incursions of
    Agnolo della Pergola into Romagna; but as this valley is naturally
    strong, and its inhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was slain there, and
    Niccolo Piccinino sent a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused
    the Florentines to obtain by their loss, what, perhaps, they would
    have failed to acquire by victory; for Niccolo so prevailed with the
    lord of Faenza and his mother, that they became friends of the
    Florentines. By this treaty, Niccolo Piccinino was set at liberty, but
    did not take the advice he had given others; for while in treaty with
    the city, concerning the terms of his engagement, either the
    conditions proposed were insufficient, or he found better elsewhere;
    for quite suddenly he left Arezzo, where he had been staying, passed
    into Lombardy, and entered the service of the duke.

    The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced to
    despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves unable to
    sustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the Venetians, to beg
    they would lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if
    allowed to aggrandize himself, would soon become as dangerous to them
    as to the Florentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt
    the same course by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most
    distinguished warriors of those times, who had been in the service of
    the duke, and had afterward quitted it; but they hesitated, not
    knowing how far to trust him; for they thought his enmity with the
    duke was only feigned. While in this suspense, it was found that the
    duke, by means of a servant of Carmignuola, had caused poison to be
    given him in his food, which, although it was not fatal, reduced him
    to extremity. The truth being discovered, the Venetians laid aside
    their suspicion; and as the Florentines still solicited their
    assistance, a treaty was formed between the two powers, by which they
    agreed to carry on the war at the common expense of both: the
    conquests in Lombardy to be assigned to the Venetians; those in
    Romagna and Tuscany to the Florentines; and Carmignuola was appointed
    Captain General of the League. By this treaty the war was commenced in
    Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted; for in a few months many
    places were taken from the duke, together with the city of Brescia,
    the capture of which was in those days considered a most brilliant
    exploit.

    The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens of Florence
    were so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed during that time,
    that it was resolved to revise them, preparatory to their
    amelioration. That they might be equalized according to the means of
    each citizen, it was proposed that whoever possessed property of the
    value of one hundred florins should pay half a florin of taxes.
    Individual contribution would thus be determined by an invariable
    rule, and not left to the discretion of parties; and as it was found
    that the new method would press heavily upon the powerful classes,
    they used their utmost endeavors to prevent it from becoming law.
    Giovanni de' Medici alone declared himself in favor of it, and by his
    means it was passed. In order to determine the amount each had to pay,
    it was necessary to consider his property in the aggregate, which the
    Florentines call /accatastare/, in which in this application of it
    would signify TO RATE or VALUE, and hence this tax received the name
    of /catasto/. The new method of rating formed a powerful check to the
    tyranny of the great, who could no longer oppress the lower classes,
    or silence them with threats in the council as they had formerly done,
    and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though to the wealthy
    classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as it is found men
    are never satisfied, but that the possession of one advantage only
    makes them desire more, the people, not content with the equality of
    taxation which the new law produced, demanded that the same rule
    should be applied to past years; that in investigation should be made
    to determine how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid
    less than their share, and that they should now pay up to an equality
    with those who, in order to meet the demand unjustly made, had been
    compelled to sell their possessions. This proposal alarmed the great
    more than the Catasto had done; and in self-defense they unceasingly
    decried it, declaring it in the highest degree unjust in being laid
    not only on immovable but movable property, which people possess
    to-day and lose to-morrow; that many persons have hidden wealth which
    the Catasto cannot reach; that those who leave their own affairs to
    manage those of the republic should be less burdened by her, it being
    enough for them to give their labour, and that it was unjust of the
    city to take both their property and their time, while of others she
    only took money. The advocates of the Catasto replied, that if movable
    property varies, the taxes would also vary, and frequently rating it
    would remedy the evil to which it was subject; that it was unnecessary
    to mention those who possessed hidden property; for it would be
    unreasonable to take taxes for that which produced no interest, and
    that if it paid anything, it could not fail to be discovered: that
    those who did not like to labor for the republic might cease to do so;
    for no doubt she would find plenty of loving citizens who would take
    pleasure in assisting her with both money and counsel: that the
    advantages and honors of a participation in the government are so
    great, that of themselves they are a sufficient remuneration to those
    who thus employ themselves, without wishing to be excused from paying
    their share of taxes. But, they added, the real grievance had not been
    mentioned: for those who were offended with the Catasto, regretted
    they could no longer involve the city in all the difficulties of war
    without injury to themselves, now that they had to contribute like the
    rest; and that if this law had then been in force they would not have
    gone to war with King Ladislaus, or the Duke Filippo, both which
    enterprises had been not through necessity, but to impoverish the
    citizens. The excitement was appeased by Giovanni de' Medici, who
    said, "It is not well to go into things so long past, unless to learn
    something for our present guidance; and if in former times the
    taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful, that we have now
    discovered a method of making it equitable, and hope that this will be
    the means of uniting the citizens, not of dividing them; which would
    certainly be the case were they to attempt the recovery of taxes for
    the past, and make them equal to the present; and that he who is
    content with a moderate victory is always most successful; for those
    who would more than conquer, commonly lose." With such words as these
    he calmed the disturbance, and this retrospective equalization was no
    longer contemplated.

    The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at length
    restored by means of a legate of the pope. The duke, however, from the
    first disregarded the conditions, so that the league again took arms,
    and meeting the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them. After this
    defeat the duke again made proposals for peace, to which the
    Florentines and Venetians both agreed; the former from jealousy of the
    Venetians, thinking they had spent quite enough money in the
    aggrandizement of others; the latter, because they found Carmignuola,
    after the defeat of the duke, proceed but coldly in their cause; so
    that they thought it no longer safe to trust him. A treaty was
    therefore concluded in 1428, by which the Florentines recovered the
    places they had lost in Romagna; and the Venetians kept Brescia, to
    which the duke added Bergamo and the country around it. In this war
    the Florentines expended three millions and a half of ducats, extended
    the territory and power of the Venetians, and brought poverty and
    disunion upon themselves.

    Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles recommenced.
    The great citizens could not endure the Catasto, and not knowing how
    to set it aside, they endeavored to raise up more numerous enemies to
    the measure, and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them in
    annulling it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed to levy
    the tax, that the law required them to extend the Catasto over the
    property of their nearest neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth was
    concealed among it. The dependent states were therefore ordered to
    present a schedule of their property against a certain time. This was
    extremely offensive to the people of Volterra, who sent to the Signory
    to complain of it; but the officers, in great wrath, committed
    eighteen of the complainants to prison. The Volterrani, however, out
    of regard for their fellow-countrymen who were arrested, did not
    proceed to any violence.
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