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    The Voter and the Two Voices

    by Gilbert Keith Chesterton
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    The real evil of our Party System is commonly stated wrong. It was stated
    wrong by Lord Rosebery, when he said that it prevented the best men from
    devoting themselves to politics, and that it encouraged a fanatical
    conflict. I doubt whether the best men ever would devote themselves to
    politics. The best men devote themselves to pigs and babies and things
    like that. And as for the fanatical conflict in party politics, I wish
    there was more of it. The real danger of the two parties with their two
    policies is that they unduly limit the outlook of the ordinary citizen.
    They make him barren instead of creative, because he is never allowed to
    do anything except prefer one existing policy to another. We have not got
    real Democracy when the decision depends upon the people. We shall have
    real Democracy when the problem depends upon the people. The ordinary man
    will decide not only how he will vote, but what he is going to vote about.

    It is this which involves some weakness in many current aspirations
    towards the extension of the suffrage; I mean that, apart from all
    questions of abstract justice, it is not the smallness or largeness of the
    suffrage that is at present the difficulty of Democracy. It is not the
    quantity of voters, but the quality of the thing they are voting about. A
    certain alternative is put before them by the powerful houses and the

    highest political class. Two roads are opened to them; but they must go
    down one or the other. They cannot have what they choose, but only which
    they choose. To follow the process in practice we may put it thus. The
    Suffragettes--if one may judge by their frequent ringing of his bell--want
    to do something to Mr. Asquith. I have no notion what it is. Let us say
    (for the sake of argument) that they want to paint him green. We will
    suppose that it is entirely for that simple purpose that they are always
    seeking to have private interviews with him; it seems as profitable as any

    other end that I can imagine to such an interview. Now, it is possible
    that the Government of the day might go in for a positive policy of
    painting Mr. Asquith green; might give that reform a prominent place in
    their programme. Then the party in opposition would adopt another policy,
    not a policy of leaving Mr. Asquith alone (which would be considered
    dangerously revolutionary), but some alternative course of action, as, for
    instance, painting him red. Then both sides would fling themselves on the
    people, they would both cry that the appeal was now to the Caesar of
    Democracy. A dark and dramatic air of conflict and real crisis would
    arise on both sides; arrows of satire would fly and swords of eloquence
    flame. The Greens would say that Socialists and free lovers might well
    want to paint Mr. Asquith red;
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