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    The Sectarian of Society

    by Gilbert Keith Chesterton
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    A fixed creed is absolutely indispensable to freedom. For while men are
    and should be various, there must be some communication between them if
    they are to get any pleasure out of their variety. And an intellectual
    formula is the only thing that can create a communication that does not
    depend on mere blood, class, or capricious sympathy. If we all start with
    the agreement that the sun and moon exist, we can talk about our different
    visions of them. The strong-eyed man can boast that he sees the sun as a
    perfect circle. The shortsighted man may say (or if he is an
    impressionist, boast) that he sees the moon as a silver blur. The
    colour-blind man may rejoice in the fairy-trick which enables him to live
    under a green sun and a blue moon. But if once it be held that there is
    nothing but a silver blur in one man's eye or a bright circle (like a
    monocle) in the other man's, then neither is free, for each is shut up in
    the cell of a separate universe.

    But, indeed, an even worse fate, practically considered, follows from the
    denim of the original intellectual formula. Not only does the individual
    become narrow, but he spreads narrowness across the world like a cloud; he
    causes narrowness to increase and multiply like a weed. For what happens
    is this: that all the shortsighted people come together and build a city
    called Myopia, where they take short-sightedness for granted and paint
    short-sighted pictures and pursue very short-sighted policies. Meanwhile
    all the men who can stare at the sun get together on Salisbury Plain and
    do nothing but stare at the sun; and all the men who see a blue moon band
    themselves together and assert the blue moon, not once in a blue moon, but
    incessantly. So that instead of a small and varied group, you have
    enormous monotonous groups. Instead of the liberty of dogma, you have the
    tyranny of taste.

    Allegory apart, instances of what I mean will occur to every one; perhaps
    the most obvious is Socialism. Socialism means the ownership by the organ
    of government (whatever it is) of all things necessary to production. If
    a man claims to be a Socialist in that sense he can be any kind of man he
    likes in any other sense--a bookie, a Mahatma, a man about town, an
    archbishop, a Margate nigger. Without recalling at the moment
    clear-headed Socialists in all of these capacities, it is obvious that a
    clear-headed Socialist (that is, a Socialist with a creed) can be a
    soldier, like Mr. Blatchford, or a Don, like Mr. Ball, or a Bathchairman
    like Mr. Meeke, or a clergyman like Mr. Conrad Noel, or an artistic
    tradesman like the late Mr. William Morris.

    But some people call themselves Socialists, and will not be bound by what
    they call a narrow dogma; they say that Socialism means far, far more than
    this; all that is high, all that is free, all that is, etc., etc. Now
    mark their dreadful fate; for they become totally unfit to be tradesmen,
    or soldiers, or clergymen, or any other stricken human thing, but become a
    particular sort of person who is always the same. When once it has been
    discovered that Socialism does not mean a narrow economic formula, it is
    also discovered that Socialism does mean wearing one particular kind of
    clothes, reading one particular kind of books, hanging up one particular
    kind of pictures, and in the majority of cases even eating one particular
    kind of food. For men must recognise each other somehow. These men will
    not know each other by a principle, like fellow citizens. They cannot know
    each other by a smell, like dogs. So they have to fall back on general
    colouring; on the fact that a man of their sort will have a wife in pale
    green and Walter Crane's "Triumph of Labour" hanging in the hall.

    There are, of course, many other instances; for modern society is almost
    made up of these large monochrome patches. Thus I, for one, regret the
    supersession of the old Puritan unity, founded on theology, but embracing
    all types from Milton to the grocer, by that newer Puritan unity which is
    founded rather on certain social habits, certain common notions, both
    permissive and prohibitive, in connection with Particular social pleasures.

    Thus I, for one, regret that (if you are going to have an aristocracy) it
    did not remain a logical one founded on the science of heraldry; a thing
    asserting and defending the quite defensible theory that physical
    genealogy is the test; instead of being, as it is now, a mere machine of
    Eton and Oxford for varnishing anybody rich enough with one monotonous
    varnish.

    And it is supremely so in the case of religion. As long as you have a
    creed, which every one in a certain group believes or is supposed to
    believe, then that group will consist of the old recurring figures of
    religious history, who can be appealed to by the creed and judged by it;
    the saint, the hypocrite, the brawler, the weak brother. These people do
    each other good; or they all join together to do the hypocrite good, with
    heavy and repeated blows. But once break the bond of doctrine which alone
    holds these people together and each will gravitate to his own kind
    outside the group. The hypocrites will all get together and call each
    other saints; the saints will get lost in a desert and call themselves
    weak brethren; the weak brethren will get weaker and weaker in a general
    atmosphere of imbecility; and the brawler will go off looking for somebody
    else with whom to brawl.

    This has very largely happened to modern English religion; I have been in
    many churches, chapels, and halls where a confident pride in having got
    beyond creeds was coupled with quite a paralysed incapacity to get beyond
    catchwords. But wherever the falsity appears it comes from neglect of the
    same truth: that men should agree on a principle, that they may differ on
    everything else; that God gave men a law that they might turn it into
    liberties.

    There was hugely more sense in the old people who said that a wife and
    husband ought to have the same religion than there is in all the
    contemporary gushing about sister souls and kindred spirits and auras of
    identical colour. As a matter of fact, the more the sexes are in violent
    contrast the less likely they are to be in violent collision. The more
    incompatible their tempers are the better. Obviously a wife's soul cannot
    possibly be a sister soul. It is very seldom so much as a first cousin.
    There are very few marriages of identical taste and temperament; they are
    generally unhappy. But to have the same fundamental theory, to think the
    same thing a virtue, whether you practise or neglect it, to think the same
    thing a sin, whether you punish or pardon or laugh at it, in the last
    extremity to call the same thing duty and the same thing disgrace--this
    really is necessary to a tolerably happy marriage; and it is much better
    represented by a common religion than it is by affinities and auras. And
    what applies to the family applies to the nation. A nation with a root
    religion will be tolerant. A nation with no religion will be bigoted.
    Lastly, the worst effect of all is this: that when men come together to
    profess a creed, they come courageously, though it is to hide in catacombs
    and caves. But when they come together in a clique they come sneakishly,
    eschewing all change or disagreement, though it is to dine to a brass band
    in a big London hotel. For birds of a feather flock together, but birds
    of the white feather most of all.
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