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    Reconstruction

    by Frederick Douglass
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    Page 1 of 7
    The assembling of the Second Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress
    may very properly be made the occasion of a few earnest words on
    the already much-worn topic of reconstruction.

    Seldom has any legislative body been the subject of a solicitude
    more intense, or of aspirations more sincere and ardent. There
    are the best of reasons for this profound interest. Questions of
    vast moment, left undecided by the last session of Congress, must
    be manfully grappled with by this. No political skirmishing will
    avail. The occasion demands statesmanship.

    Whether the tremendous war so heroically fought and so
    victoriously ended shall pass into history a miserable failure,
    barren of permanent results,--a scandalous and shocking waste of
    blood and treasure,--a strife for empire, as Earl Russell
    characterized it, of no value to liberty or civilization,--an
    attempt to re-establish a Union by force, which must be the merest
    mockery of a Union,--an effort to bring under Federal authority
    States into which no loyal man from the North may safely enter,
    and to bring men into the national councils who deliberate with
    daggers and vote with revolvers, and who do not even conceal their
    deadly hate of the country that conquered them; or whether, on the
    other hand, we shall, as the rightful reward of victory over

    treason, have a solid nation, entirely delivered from all
    contradictions and social antagonisms, based upon loyalty,
    liberty, and equality, must be determined one way or the other by
    the present session of Congress. The last session really did
    nothing which can be considered final as to these questions. The
    Civil Rights Bill and the Freedmen's Bureau Bill and the proposed
    constitutional amendments, with the amendment already adopted and
    recognized as the law of the land, do not reach the difficulty,
    and cannot, unless the whole structure of the government is
    changed from a government by States to something like a despotic
    central government, with power to control even the municipal
    regulations of States, and to make them conform to its own
    despotic will. While there remains such an idea as the right of
    each State to control its own local affairs,--an idea, by the way,
    more deeply rooted in the minds of men of all sections of the
    country than perhaps any one other political idea,--no general
    assertion of human rights can be of any practical value. To
    change the character of the government at this point is neither
    possible nor desirable. All that is necessary to be done is to
    make the government consistent with itself, and render the rights
    of the States compatible with the sacred rights of human nature.

    The arm of the Federal government is long, but it is far too short
    to protect the rights of
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